WH 



Fifty IAiV\iorJ & 
- %o\c\ bv — 

\he. *bW\p t-Qf 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



027 273 583 9 % 



HN 78 
.M2 
Copy 1 



14 



3Wtg JHiUimt piijil* 



SOLD BY 



Wqt ^tjip (tonal 



Copyrighted 1907, by S. Jamie Magruder. 
Revised Edition 



BELIEVING that we, the people, face in America a crisis 
of world-wide importance, I beg a hearing upon law 
from an unusual point of view. 

It is no secret that to-day the privilege classes of nationalism 
in all countries fear Socialism. Socialism they one and all 
regard as their common enemy, menacing their very existence 
as a class. Nationalists of the United States are no exception. 
They all fear Socialism. 

Socialism offers the people such fair promises in government 
that it seems destined to secure unto itself the great law- 
making privilege, except over the people of America. Evi- 
dently America wants something better than Socialism. 
America claims liberty as her birthright. Liberty, law-abiding 
liberty, fully secured. The people can safely then try out the 
methods of worthy promise in which Socialism or any other 
"ism" or indivdual may interest the public, without binding 
themselves in bondage to any paternal cast, creed or party. 

All parties promise well when reaching for control. One 
and all, they ride into power on zeal for righteousness. Once 
in power, they build a favored class by whose support they 
hold control. If they can, under one pretext or another, reach 
for more and more power, they crystallize into some form of 
Strong centralized rule by which the people are sunk into 
harder and harder lines of servitude to overlords. 

The people's rule, the majority voice, by its very nature 
could never develop the pride of oppression. Minority rule 
alone holds such possibilty. The fewer the minority the 
greater the pride, the heavier the oppression. The people of 
America, the people of all tongues and kindreds and color and 
degrees of worth assembled on her soil, are tired of the pomp 
of the oppressor. From henceforth they desire to be their own 
Jaw-makers, meting justice to all, privilege to none. 
: We are beginning to realize our rights. We can see now 
that no people can remain poor and overburdened of toil except 
by laws made for the purpose of diverting the people's gath- 
ered wealth into the hands of the favored class. We see the 
law-maker and the money-maker are partners in business, each 
hecessary to the privilege life of the other. We see how our 
law-makers have deceived us. They told us "protection" meant 
brotection of the people from competition with the pauper 

2 



labor of old monarchism. We find it means protection of the 
rich. They transport pauper labor to compete with local labor. 

Thus by covered terms and misstatements they deceived us 
to bring us to pauperism. Even motherhood in America to- 
day must toil as a slave to increase the number of pearls and 
diamonds upon the gowns of the rich. Children of the people 
by thousands must stagger under the killing yoke of labor 
to pile up gold for the overlords' pleasure on foreign soil. The 
daughters of the people by thousands are without food except 
as they can buy it by the sale of themselves in debauchery. 
Think of that! Could there be a greater outrage against any 
people? Could there be a more terrible outrage against that 
people's Creator, who provided sufficiently for abundance to 
all? 

And now this new Progressivism! What does it mean? 
Which way? To torment for the people, like Protection; 
deeper yet deeper into the dank dells of poverty, where the an- 
consuming fires of want, worry and weariness of soul never 
cease and the worms of disease, crime, deformity of body and 
mind never die? Is this the direction of Progressivism — liKe 
Protection? 

Protection for the rich, Progressivism for power, Peace Con- 
ferences for greater armaments to subdue the people! 

During ten or twelve years past, especially in America, 
science and nature have responded to the people's efforts 
with wealth unprecedented in the history of man. America's 
wealth is proverbial. 

Where is that wealth? 

Buying monarchial titles! 

The people who gathered the wealth go poorly fed, shabbily 
clad, in America, taxed to the limit on all they eat or wear. So 
the people, like brutes, labor for bare keep, while the American 
rich vie with old monarchism to outshine, to outspend, to out- 
waste the substance gathered by the toiling people in America. 

This American nobility has increased in number and power 
by the protection of these past ten or twelve years of Mr. 
Roosevelt's rule as never before in our civic existence. In these 
years the nationalist adherents and press have given us the 
distinction of one American princess without the formality of 
marriage to the monarchial right. But, of course, a second- 
hand title would ill befit "Princess Alice," daughter herself to 
the "Emperor of all the Americas.''' 

Mr. Roosevelt's ambition for a strong centralized government 
in the United States the people can see would become a neces- 



sity to control Big Business in protection from the infuriated 
uprising of an outraged and dishonored people. But especially 
is such need, now, to co-operate with the privilege classes of 
all monarchism against their common enemy, Socialism. This 
has been manifest since the mysterious murder of Mr. McKin- 
ley. Who inflamed the poetic imagination of a poor, insane 
boy anarchist to serve so well the nationalist cause, by getting 
out of the way a mild, gentle man for his strong, aggressive 
and diplomatic successor? 

Four years ago Mr. Roosevelt's ambitious zeal for a strong 
government over us was well known. We heard much of "New 
Nationalism" for America. Mr. Roosevelt at the same time 
was openly avowed against Socialism. Now, why did the Na- 
tionalists not give Mr. Roosevelt his third term then? They 
could have done so as easily as to put in Mr. Roosevelt's dep- 
uty, Mr. Taft. Do the wise act without reason? Do they plan 
without purpose? Why did they not set Mr. Roosevelt then 
to organize Nationalism in America before Socialism grew yet 
stronger? 

The Panama Canal was not completed. The Peace Tribunal 
at Hague was not clothed. Do you see? 

While Mr. Roosevelt hunted the tiger in Africa and paid 
court to royalty in Eurasia, in America, under the faithful Mr. 
Taft, the canal progressed and the American nobility increased 
in power of wealth and precedence. But Mr. Bryan, also in 
America, still hunted the devourers of the people. So, by the 
time of Mr. Roosevelt's return, the rifle shots of Bryan, along 
with the steady firing of Socialism, had so awakened the people 
to civic consciousness that Mr. Roosevelt has had to visibly 
change his tactics. 

He assumes the funny role of submission to the people — 
quite contrary to what Oklahoma received! He donned the 
ambiguous title of Progressivism in place of Nationalism. He 
sets up Mr. Taft as excuse for reaching for open extension of 
his power. He calls himself a kind of anarchist, but does not 
explain if he be anarchistic against the increasing power of 
Socialism or against the people's new lease of rights in the 
initiative, referendum and recall. Mr. Roosevelt is still, how- 
ever, the strongest man on American soil with all the monarch- 
istic powers of Europe and Asia. He is the hero of Nationalists 
at home as well as abroad, and everything is made to play into 
his hands. Affected differences in the Nationalist press and 
among Nationalist adherents are but part of the game. Na- 
tionalism at heart is a unit against their common enemy. How- 



ever, their policy may appear to fire wild; that is to mislead 
the people. Nationalism against Socialism is playing for its 
very life, and this drama will continue till open force may, 
with proper excuses, be applied. 

Now let us say, not Mr. Roosevelt, but Benedict Arnold, or 
Tom Brown, be elected President of the United States. Mr. 
Brown makes zealous promises on every demand of the people. 
He swears everlasting fealty to the people. But he is recog- 
nized a Nationalist in close and friendly sympathy with all 
Nationalist powers — all armed to the teeth. Mr. Brown as 
President of course has control of the Panama Ganal, and all 
other strategic points, with the forces of war for America. He 
has secured for his own use a great army, a huge navy. His 
faithful agent has manipulated into the hands of his allies the 
power of inexhaustible wealth. 

At the proper time the Hague Tribunal sits clothed in high- 
est authority, with all the dignity and pomp of international 
law. 

Socialism, by innate activity, supplemented with hired agents 
hidden under cover, becomes particularly troublesome. Every- 
thing that can be construed as resistance to "righteous law" 
(by the Nationalist's standard) is outlawed by the Hague. In 
the name of peace Mr. Brown resorts to drastic measures. The 
tongue and temper of the people blister under the restrictions. 
This serves a handy excuse for an immediate strong govern- 
ment. The Hague, in the name of righteous peace, orders the 
armed forces of all monarchism to draw up to the canal. 

If we tamely submit, a heavier yoke of bondage than our 
children now stagger under will be firmly created into place. 
If we fly to resistance, that will be the Nationalist triumph. 
The bare arm and the native wit of the people will be pitted 
against the inexhaustible gold and steel of the oppressor. 
Armies will fill the land. Navies will act and react quickly 
through the canal and up and down the Mississippi from the 
Lakes to the Gulf. The people will be surrounded on all sides 
and severed into two parts. 

Grant that noble sons of liberty will spend themselves freely, 
will pour out their blood even to the horse's bridle. What but 
tax slaves can their wives and their children be after them? 
What will liberty become but a byword upon the lips of tne 
scornful? 

Would it not be well for the people now to begin to think, 
to act, to get together? 

Grant that Mr. Roosevelt is all that his followers claim; grant 



that he is "Roosevelt the righteous," "Roosevelt the bold," a 
man of such execrable judgment as to saddle on a people two 
such men as Mr. Taft and Mr. Ballinger in the important offices 
where Mr. Roosevelt placed them — could a man of such judg- 
ment, however true, however noble, however angelic in other 
ways he might be, could a man of such frightfully poor judg- 
ment of men be too strongly condemned by the American peo- 
ple for any office of trust ever again in American affairs? 

It is perfectly clear before the eyes of the people how Mr. 
Roosevelt especially selected and personally placed both of 
these gentlemen — the man to the job. Then it is also clear 
to a startling degree how thrice well and faithfully both have 
served the hand that placed them. They have put through bold 
measures for a steady increase of power to the Nationalist 
forces. They personally relieve Mr. Roosevelt of its ignominy. 
They have made a record black enough for Mr. Roosevelt to 
shine against, dazzling to the enfeebled eyes of hero worship- 
ers. They have made it imperative that Mr. Roosevelt be 
granted a return to open power to repair the awful breaches 
of public trust that they, his appointed agents, have accom- 
plished for him. 

Faithful Mr. Taft plays his part well to the finish. His hon- 
orary duties of killing the Grand Old Party in the Chicago 
farce certainly deserve the rest from his labors which his Na- 
tionalist co-workers outline for him. 

Mr. Taft also deserves notice with Mr. Lafollette in his 
splendid play for Mr. Roosevelt to vanquish in the primary 
race. Both actors made themselves quite bloody in sputtering 
energy and labored effort against Mr. Roosevelt. Mr. Roose- 
velt's signal victory over two such formidable rivals was great 
indeed. It was as interesting as the present political triangle. 

As to the necessity of the Chicago and Baltimore affairs, the 
people see that to rally the Nationalist forces from the old 
parties into a solid front against Socialism they felt it impera- 
tive to show some specious reason. What better reason, refut- 
able by none, than the uncleanness of death in the old parties? 

But Mr. Bryan upset the programme so unexpectedly that the 
ruling powers were thrown into a veritable half-hour silence of 
heaven. Even Mr. Roosevelt stood the half-second agasp. They 
were horribly embarrassed how to progress with the carcass of 
the Grand Old Party, positively dead under Taft, while its 
hitched mate, turned by Bryan, instead of dead under Clark as 
due, was alive under Wilson and progressing — not according to 
schedule. 



But Mr. Roosevelt knows not the word "fail." Many years 
ago, about the time of Mr. McKinley's death, the papers came 
out with large cuts of Mr. Roosevelt's picture as the coming 
President. When I looked into the face of the first picture I 
recoiled from what seemed to me was the cunning, craft and 
cruelty expressed there. And an impression came to me as 
clear as a voice might have been — "there is the murderer; the 
hand that struck the blow was the agent." Later, when the 
papers reported that Mr. Roosevelt had absented himself into 
the unknown wilds and could not be found for days, I wondered 
if any humane man at such a time would not have lingered by 
and near the dying President. Conscious guilt, to be sure, 
would fear the time, the place. Deep in the forests and alone, 
away from man, no chance circumstance, no inadvertent word 
or unguarded act could betray him. Whether these impressions 
were groundless or otherwise, it is a fact that Mr. Roosevelt 
came into power through human blood. If suffering counts, 
his way of trailing millions for the rich is strewn with blood, 
the blood of infants, the blood of slain virtue of girls, the blood 
of heart anguish from want among the toiling masses. 

To one other thing I call attention: In the complicated po- 
litical machinery of Nationalism, wheel within wheel, there is 
a strategic balancing force playing at Socialism to its most 
vulnerable point. The California division of this effort seems 
to be led by Fremont Older and the Bulletin staff of San Fran- 
cisco. But more upon this topic later. 

Passing now to the question of the people's rights in human 
liberty, we have by high authority: "The earth hath God given 
to the children of men." 

The earth to the children of men! The earth given a free 
gift to the children of men ! The whole earth to all the chil- 
dren of men! 

A common gift, with no restrictions as to shares, certainly 
carries equal shares. The earth a gift to all, certainly all are 
then equal owners in the earth and its wealth. And since no 
power hath right to set bounds and limitations to any gift 
save the giver of the gift, how is it that this universal gift is 
not so recognized and so developed in equable co-operative 
methods for the equal benefit, joy and convenience of all the 
equal owners alike? How is it that the majority of these own- 
ers have nothing except what they work for, like alien wage 
slaves? How is it that the aged, the children, the incapables, 
all equal owners in so great abundance, are starved on want or 
choked on charity? By what authority is this stupendous 



crime against the children of men? What is the source of this 
terrible evil? How is it that such lawlessness parades its 
brazen face as law and calls itself justice? 

Let us take a look at law from an unusual point of view. 

As an approach to this point of view, let us recognize two 
counter covenants to life. By investigation we find that cove- 
nant No. 1 by free grace reckons life an immeasurable, price- 
less gift, of which the Creator alone knows whence it cometh 
or whither it goeth; that covenant No. 2 unto good works 
sets the price of works upon life. Life, then, by covenant No. 
2, like any priced thing, is set for sale, for hire, for rent, for 
trade and barter, or it may be farmed out at the stipulated 
price for work, and be required if the price be not paid. In 
every case, whether life be sold, rented or bartered, it is com- 
mercial gain to those who fix the price, to those who manipu- 
late the balances of exchange, to those who hold the standards, 
the weights, the measures by which to condemn or to approve 
the subject for exchange. 

Bearing this well in mind, that by covenant No. 2 life is 
a priced thing, sold and bartered for work, and by covenant 
No. 1 it is a priceless free gift, observe that through and 
through prophetic scripture the covenant of "free grace" marks 
the unfortunate for blessing. The covenant of law unto good 
works, without exception, covers the fortunate for curse and 
rejection. 

This may seem a startling assertion, but any reader can ver- 
ify its truthfulness. There is a host of witnesses from Diver 
and Lazarus down. 

Observe casually one line of testimony through a series of 
allegories. 

At the beginning of this lesson man and woman, typical of 
strength and weakness, are taken as the illustrative couplet. 

Of this couplet, Adam being the first formed, the older, the 
one of precedence, is fortunately born. For Adam the earth 
was cursed. Some might read by Adam the earth was cursed. 

Next couplet, Cain, first born, was rejected with curse. 

Next, Ishmael, first born, was rejected. Observe at this 
point the rejected son was of a servant and was low born. 

Esau, first born, was rejected. Esau set a price upon the in- 
heritance. 

Of the two divisions of Jacob's sons, the servant sons were as- 
signed to Ebal Mount of Law to curse. And Reubin, first born, 
was rejected and cursed as one of these bondsons. Then note 



the great and terrible dishonor to his father of Reubin with a 
servant. 

The scriptures teach us line upon line, precept upon precept, 
here a little and there a little. But before inquiring specific- 
ally into the several points of this series of evidence, let us con- 
sider the nature of law. 

Is not law a created thing, like the Sabbath made for man, 
not man for the Sabbath? The bondson Ishmael was low 
born. But the child of promise, Isaac, was born contrary to all 
known law. Then law, set aside where it pleases the Creator, 
clearly is a created thing. Like a calf, it is created for use. So 
law, a mere calf of use, is a servant. It is a servant for the 
children's feet, to insure them clean, safe and dry walks 
through life. 

But a servant is at the direction of the father, not of the 
child. Reubin's offense was his exalting himself to the room of 
the father, taking unto himself the servant, with all the inti- 
mate privilege of command, the father's right alone. 

Now the fortunately born of life with us, have they not 
taken unto themselves the servant law? Is not law both con- 
strued and executed at their command to their own advantage? 
Then, like Reubin, have they not exalted themselves to the 
place of the Creator Father, and do they not command the 
servant for their own self-gratification, like Reubin? 

The fortunately born, in their self-vaunting superiority of 
righteousness, are they not a persecution to the less fortunate, 
like Ishmael to the weak Isaac? 

iae fortunately born, by the exchange price of good works 
for external life, man's work for God's work, do they not set 
a price by comparison as paltry as Esau's pottage? Obedience 
to law is called righteousness, but human righteousness is fig- 
ured as filthy rags. And is it not true, alas! that righteousness, 
like the coat he wears, may be put off or on at the dictate of 
personal convenience? Then life, priceless and immeasurable, 
when held in exchange for such transient, variable, really 
worthless rags, is not the price paltry? 

Does not the insult to simple intelligence of such a prof- 
fered exchange merit rejection of even the fairest efforts — like 
the first fruits of Cain's field, the work of his hands? 

The fortunately born, taking life at a price easy to them- 
selves, but impossible to those who have no righteousness with 
which to pay, do they not murder the weak as Cain the 
younger brother? 

The fortunately born, setting themselves up in place of the 



Creator to judge and to pass upon the Creator's work, holding 
humanity to bow down and serve for its life in obedience to 
imperfect law of creature conception, is not this idolatrous 
commercialism of lawless traffic in human life the one forbidden 
fruit of superior knowledge like Adam's disobedience? This 
one forbidden evil, is it not the cause of every known sin pos- 
sible to the human race? What men call unrighteousness is 
the fruit of the great unrighteousness, and so-called sinners are 
not sinners at all. They are the victims of the fruits of the 
great unrighteousness. The general curse of it lies in de- 
barring the race from all peace and comeliness, as Adam from 
Eden. 

Quite in line with the series of allegories is the parable of the 
sheep and goats. Observe in this parable the sheep are clearly 
defined by description to be the unfortunate. Without food, 
without clothes, without home, without friends, sick and in 
prison, could never apply to the fortunately born righteous. 
The goat, strong, independent, marks the fortunately born as 
compared to the sheep unfortunate as heavy in wool, easily 
overtaken of an enemy. 

Now can we not see that the sheep, like the shepherd, have 
been sacrificed to the commercialism of lawless law by the 
price unlawfully placed upon the inheritance? 

"The law of God is perfect, converting the soul." Now, have 
not the people a right to this perfect law? Is it not a manifest 
lawlessness of great injustice to hold any creature bound to 
the clumsy shackles of imperfect law where there exists a per- 
fect law? Then why should any creature be held accountable 
to the imperfect when that right of accountability is only to 
the perfect? Humanity, through its best matured judgment, 
expressing in majority voice of equal partners concerned, can 
well determine the best methods for dressing and keeping the 
inheritance, the earth. By the "initiative, referendum and re- 
call" the majority of equal partners may best try, sustain, fix 
laws governing their commonly merged material interests, and 
for the humane and proper care of helpless animals placed de- 
pendent upon us. But there the law-making function of the 
creature begins and ends. We may make laws for material 
ends and elect officers to execute the laws of the people. We 
may change those laws as often as the majority may please, 
and recall and reappoint officers at will. But that holds no 
creature accountable to any other creature in the three free 
gifts from the Creator — namely, life, liberty and franchise. 

So "the divine right" of the people is equal ownership in the 

10 



world's wealth and accountability, every one for self, direct to 
the Creator. "The divine right" of humanity is the equal in- 
heritance and the perfect law. 

Under the just and lawful conditions of these rights re- 
stored, by nature humanity would turn to righteousness, as 
the hart to the waterbrook. In other words, the Creator would 
prove a so much more capable ruler over man than man over 
man. 

But the Reubenite rulers are too self-intoxicated to be able 
to see the simple fact that the Creator alone knows enough to 
best govern, to correctly adjust the delicate machinery of hu- 
manity, his highest earthly handiwork. The Creator can very 
well be trusted with little things like the grasses of the fields 
in their sprouting and seeding, and even the animals, like 
birds in their seasons of mating and migration, and inanimate 
things, like the stars and the comets in their courses, but to 
rule man ! Why, the great and the wise of men alone can 
be entrusted to that high office! So the self -intoxicated great 
of the earth, those born to precedence, like Esau sup the pot- 
tages of special privilege for their very lives. These find the 
thought unbearable of equality with their fellows. Then how 
will they endure the goat — divine state of inferiority — till they 
reconcile to equality, and thereafter, like the lion (no longer 
a ravenous beast), willing to lie down with the lamb. 

The righteous are ravenous beasts roaming about to find 
whom they may devour. The spirit of exacting righteousness 
makes law a weapon of death to the weak. And the private 
standards of the extremely righteous slay continually for their 
own self-gain. Every righteous man's standard fits himself to 
a nicety. It measures him pretty nearly perfect. For all who 
displease him it measures with an awful shortage. Thus the 
is special gain to all those who handle the weights and meas- 
ures of righteousness. It gives the gain of superiority. Then, 
to make righteousness significant, it must have the stamp of 
worth. This stamp fixes price. Price facilitates exchange, 
commerce. So life and all things pertaining to life become the 
exchanges of righteousness — life in exchange for good works. 
Good works are obedience to law. So life is held at a price of 
profit and gain to the value changers, the money changers, the 
fortunately born under the Covenant of Law, who fix the stand- 
ard of works. 

Commercialism, life at a price, is the backbone of the Law 
Covenant system, and its two great arms are religion and legal- 
ity. Religious and legal law support each other in the same 

11 



game, in the same interests. They go hand in hand, like fraud 
and farce. Religion is the old harlot of deception, of false love, 
and legality is at once the bondson, the paramore, the accom- 
plice of religion. 

I once believed, as many good people still believe, that Jesus 
Christ is part of a religious system. But Jesus Christ called 
both the legal and religious of his day devils and hypocrites. 
Religion has seized the Bible, Jesus Christ, the name of the 
Infinite Himself and set a price on all, for her own gain and 
glory in merchandise through human souls. Jesus Christ fore- 
saw this very fact and to show its falsity, the falsity of the re- 
ligion which He would permit to call itself by His name, He 
appointed Peter, the false Peter, as its cornerstone. And Peter, 
prophetic of the three-fold nature of this false religion — Cath- 
olic, Protestant and Scientist — Peter denied Christ thrice. Ob- 
serve how the thrice righteous friends of Job persecuted the af- 
flicted, another prophetic witness of the three-fold nature of 
this great and terrible evil, this Satan into whose hands, like 
Job, the human race has been for a time delivered. 

Observe here also that Peter had given to him the keys of 
heaven. So Peter is the great authority for the ruling right- 
eous, the fortunately born, the strong goats. But Jesus 
Christ holds the keys of hell. So Jesus Christ is the head and 
authority of the sheep, the unfortunately born, the afflicted at 
the hands of the Peter class. 

But if Jesus Christ recognized the Law Covenant system as 
the great adversary of God and of humanity; if He called the 
legal and the religious devils and hypocrites, why did He fulfill 
their law? He fulfilled their law to the last jot and tittle. 
He fulfilled both legal and religious law, else not law, to the 
last jot. But why? 

He fulfilled their law to bind them to their law. He fulfilled 
their law as the best way by which to bind them through their 
own claims of authority to His authority. Thus He binds the 
strong righteous to deliver from their oppression the weak, the 
afflicted. He died for sinners, we remember, not for the right- 
eous. 

But how does Christ keeping their law bind the strong man? 

By the terms of all religions the worth of greatest righteous- 
ness buys the highest power, the greatest authority as keepers 
of standards. So Jesus Christ, by His perfect obedience to 
righteousness, bought the highest place of power and authority. 
This fact no righteous man can gainsay. No religion ever yet 
has produced a more perfectly righteous person than Jesus 

12 



Christ. He paid for his legal office, King of Kings, Prince of 
Righteousness, in the purest coin demanded. He loved His en- 
emies. He prayed for the murderous hands who smote him. 
He fulfilled righteousness to the last tittle. 

But how about those righteous who refuse to obey their own 
lawful King? Don't they lose their authority? Don't they lose 
their power? Have they left one shred of claim for righteous- 
ness or any of the advantages of gain that righteousness had 
secured for them? 

If they disobey their own King, then they become bound for 
the full punishment of all their righteous law, do they not? On 
the other hand, if they obey their King, they accept the single 
standard of Christ's righteousness for the equality of all, for 
the deliverance of all into the unity of the equal inheritance 
and the perfect law. The King's command is so simple. And 
the people of all nations have it to-day. Love thy Creator with 
full obedience and thy neighbor as thyself. Can a righteous 
man honor his Creator while he holds one of His creatures cap- 
tive to the imperfect law? Can he love his neighbor as him- 
self and loll in luxury while a neighbor suffers on less? Rather 
must he not bestir himself against lawlessness as the Southern 
slave holders were overturned in their lawless possessions — 
that the hungry may have bread, that they may have cake and 
fat things to their fill. 

So Jesus Christ, in fulfilling law to the last jot, has prepared 
the kingdom for His own, for His beloved people, within tne 
prison walls and without. The people, the afflicted people, the 
saints of affliction, long at the hands of the righteous, have now 
their kingdom prepared. They have nothing to do but to take 
it over. It is theirs by the fullest authority of law. It is theirs 
by the most supreme precedence of religion. It is theirs by 
the highest rights of righteousness, by the order of the King, 
the lawful King! 

The only question that remains: Are we going to take over 
our rights with or without bloodshed? 

If the people sit weakly around and permit Theodore Roose- 
velt to be foistea longer over us by the authority of open power, 
to modify our rights of initiative, referendum and recall, to 
brandish his boasted stick over our heads, to sink the despotic 
heel deep into the tongues and temper of the common people, 
God only knows what we may be goaded into. But God will in 
no way be responsible for the bloodshed nor for the slavery to 
follow — "For he that is not for me is against me." 

The time is short. The people are asleep — the poor, tired, 



overworked people. To save the country from Roosevelt and 
his monarchial allies some persons will have to drive like Jehu. 
Who is willing to make this sacrifice? Who is free and willing 
to drop the spindle or the hoe, to move the people? 

The time is short. We need a President at Washington 
whom the money power can neither fool nor buy. Where is 
this man? Where can he be found on this short notice? We 
need a man who is bound by no party. We need a man who 
stands for the people. 

Shall we turn to Socialism? Ah! shall we turn to Socialism 
in this hour of dire need? Can any people be free who are 
spiritually bound? A few years since Socialism scoffed at re- 
ligion and religion scoffed at Socialism. Socialism has grown 
strong and therefore beautiful. Religion now desires Socialism 
(maybe) as her next paramour. Religion now is attacking So- 
cialism with the blandishments of smiles from every head. Can 
Socialism withstand the hydra-headed temptress? Will not the 
power and prestige she offers him buy the will and the great 
master of Socialism as it has bought other masters? 

The people alone cannot be bought. They can be deceived, 
misled, imposed upon, fooled, but they cannot be bought in the 
majority. They can only be bought when isolated as a minor- 
ity. So let the people rule, not the masters of Socialism or any 
other party. 

Stitt Wilson, of Berkeley, calls himself a Socialist, but, like 
Bryan, Mr. Wilson has served the people without stint. By 
their works ye shall know ihem. Mr. Wilson, by his works, 
speaks himself more for the people than for party. Would Mr. 
Wilson be willing to serve the people in the White House? 
And do enough of the people know Mr. Wilson to give him sup- 
port on so short notice? 

There is only one man on American soil to-day well known 

by all the people as the people's disinterested champion. That 

man stood up, single-handed and alone, in the very teeth of 

the enemy at Baltimore lately and turned them into confusion. 

14 



That man has gone down into personal defeat time and time 
before the moneyed class in the interests of the people. To that 
man we owe today our one hope of liberty in the initiative, ref- 
erendum and recall. He is one man we could safely trust not 
to qualify, limit or annul those rights, as Theodore Roosevelt 
proposes to do. That man whom the national interests have 
not been able to bribe or fool into betraying the people, we all 
know, is William Jennings Bryan. 

Mr. Bryan, to be sure, used Governor Wilson to confuse the 
enemy and so as a gentleman could not come out against Gov- 
ernor Wilson's aspirations, if he has aimed higher than playing 
into Mr. Roosevelt's hands. But the people are not so bound. 
And except for the emergency of the time the people might 
not forgive Mr. Bryan in boosting a weakly beggar of a pau- 
per's pension at the feet of Andrew Carnegie, one of the most 
unscrupulous freebooters of our commonwealth. The people 
might not be able to forgive Mr. Bryan the insult to their in- 
telligence in offering such a man for President over the Amer- 
ican people as Woodrow Wilson. But the emergency of the 
moment, the service rendered, is what counts. And now, if 
the people call Mr. Bryan to an elected office, he would be 
no longer bound to Wilson, and he would not fail the people. 
It would be no discredit to Mr. Bryan. It would be an ever- 
lasting credit to the American people at such a crisis to elect 
their President in a man without a party, without political as- 
pirations, a man too much bound to seek the office. It would 
be "Liberty Enlightening the World," would it not? 

Could we do better than this on so short a notice? For 
the time is at hand. I repeat that to save the country from 
Roosevelt some persons will have to drive like Jehu. Who is 
willing to make this sacrifice? Who are free to drop the 
spindle or the hoe to save you and your children — to secure 
to you and to yours your divine right in the equal inheritance 
and the perfect law? Can you afford to do it? Can you lend 
a hand for getting the people together as one man in this cru- 
ra 



SEf > 9 ysn 



cial hour for human liberty? Then let us fly for our very 
lives to wake the sleeping people. Make the welkin ring it. 
Liberty is born. We are free. The Son hath made us free. 
So we are free, indeed. Let us, then, as freemen take over our 
rights — our rights of property, our rights of law, our rights of 
liberty lawfully. Let us find and elect some President known 
and acceptable to the people, that he may stand by the people 
till we can get secured in constitutional amendments full 
powers to maintain the rights endowed to us by our Creator. 
Let us not lose the fact for an instant that by the highest 
authority we are a free people, with rights to the most su- 
preme liberty as the only safeguard against the cunning craft 
of lawless politicians. Let us hold high, as an ensign to our 
brothers and sisters over the seas, that all are born free and 
equal, that by the authority of Jesus Christ, King of Kings, is 
neither male nor female, bond nor free, Greek nor Jew, but all 
are one. All are equal in the common rights of life, liberty 
and franchise. 
Respectfully submitted to the people, by one of the people. 

JAMIE MAGRUDER, 
Rock Ledge, Florida. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

mi nun ii ii m 



027 273 583 9 



16 



